QANTAS Goes Halal - Who said Pigs can't fly?

Pigs can't fly - Qantas bans pork on in-flight menu to respect Islam

Alan Joyce is a self outed / confessed Homosexual, as are many of the men and women entertainers and assorted Political and Union Bludgers and Free loaders who were flown to Dubai to "celebrate" this latest Gay Corporate alliance with those who would hang them from light poles and mobile cranes at the first chance they get the moment they feel they have the ascendency,and as such would be subject to arrest immediately upon landing in Dubai.
There is a code of conduct for all Qantas crew to uphold so as to ensure their safety in their employers "new best friends" brave new world of Sharia Law.
How long before Qantas female cabin crew are bagged in the freedom sack like their sista's at Emirates so as to fall into line with their new masters?

Is it an Irish "Australia Hating" Gay Industry,Labor Union thing with their ongoing Love Affair with the UN's Rabid Pit Bull, Islam, or just a case of been so far to the left that anything or any ideology that helps to smear and obliterates Australia's national carriers identity is worth getting into bed with?

No matter what it is : FUCK YAS ALL.

Angela Saurine and Peter Holmes 
The Daily Telegraph
April 05, 2013 12:00AM

QANTAS has removed pork from its in-flight menu on flights to and from Europe as a result of its partnership with Middle Eastern airline Emirates.

No food containing pork or pork products will be served on those flights - which now has a stopover in Dubai - because it is strictly forbidden in Islam and is considered "unholy".

All meals offered on the route in first, business and economy classes will also be prepared without alcohol in keeping with the Islamic religion. A note on the Qantas menus on flights in and out of Dubai states that the meals do not contain pork products or alcohol. The airline has also introduced a mezze plate offering traditional Middle Eastern fare in its upper classes and has Arabic translations after in-flight announcements.

A Qantas spokesman said the decision to remove pork, ham and other related food items had had minimal impact on its menu and it was still offering the same meal choices.

"Qantas in-flight catering often reflects the cultural and regional influences of the international destinations we fly to," he said.

"On flights to and from Hong Kong and China, our menus include regionally inspired dishes such as stir fries and to Singapore we have noodle options."

Qantas also offers meals without pork and alcohol on flights to the Indonesian capital Jakarta, which also has a large Muslim population.

Several other airlines which fly from Australia to the United Arab Emirates and Malaysia do not serve pork either.

Virgin Australia does not serve pork on flights to and from Abu Dhabi and all meals that are prepared are halal accredited, with meat prepared in a way prescribed by Islamic law.

Qantas passengers heading to any European city now fly via Dubai instead of Singapore, as they did under the airline's previous longstanding partnership with British Airways. The Qantas pork ban comes as other airlines - in the wake of the Qantas-Emirates merger - jostle for market share by aggressively discounting fares from Australia to Europe.

British Airways enlisted Mick Jagger's daughter, model Georgia May Jagger, to promote its discounted fares of $1777 to the UK via Singapore.

Emirates competitor Abu Dhabi-based carrier Etihad has return fares to Manchester or London from $1727 including taxes. Virgin was also promoting discounted fares to London out of Sydney ($1845) and Brisbane ($1869) this week. Qantas fares to London were yesterday priced about $1900 out of most capital cities - still around $100 more than its new partner Emirates is advertising.

I was told at least ten years ago by a senior Qantas executive that Qantas was going to be put out of business,what better way to smear its reputation than partnering with these Savages and pandering to their Moon / Occult Worshipping superstitions.

How does any western airline compete with any airline that basically gets free fuel for its fleet? For all the Dumb Arsed Australians gloating how they managed to get a cheaper fare from one of these Muslim airlines when Qantas is gone or fully owned by them,what price do you think you will pay for a fare then?

To all my fellow Australians I urge you to support OUR Airline at every opportunity irrespective of the price difference but do not Fly through Dubai take the longer road through Singapore,it is far safer and you are not supporting those have sworn to destroy us at any and every opportunity available to them.

Marxiist's now demanding even more money to "fix" the problems they have created in our schools ------The Gonski illusion

The Gonski illusion

Miranda Devine –
Daily Telegraph
Tuesday, April 02, 2013 (7:52pm)

THE most despicable thing about the “I give a Gonski” ads on TV is their dishonest use of a young boy struggling to read. This struggle is a tragedy going on in our classrooms every day.

As many as 30 per cent of Australian children leave school functionally illiterate. Children of normal intelligence can’t read because their teachers have not been taught the most effective way to teach them - which is systematic, explicit phonics instruction, linking the letters in our alphabet to sounds.

If these children are unlucky enough to come from a home where their parents can’t overcome the schooling deficit, they are doomed to illiteracy and consigned to the margins.

The militant left-wing Australian Education Union that pays for the ads offers a self-serving lie for a solution. It pretends that more money will magically fix the problems.

“If public schools don’t get urgent funding more of our kids will get left behind,” intones the narrator, exhorting parents to “give a gonski”.

The noun in that catchphrase refers to businessman David Gonski, whose report into school funding has become a magic wand of mythical proportions. It recommended the federal government spend $6.5 billion a year extra on smaller classes and more specialist 
teachers.

Julia Gillard, who wants to be known as the “education prime minister”, will finalise funding with the states on April 19, at the Council of Australian Governments meeting, trying to create the illusion of Gonski billions, despite the fact the government is broke.

But the fact is that more money does not equal better education. It’s how you spend the money that counts.

Australia increased spending on schools by more than 40 per cent last decade and the results are a disgrace . The reading skills of our Year 4 students are the worst of every English-speaking country tested in the first Progress in 

International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS) last year of 325,000 students. One quarter of our students couldn’t even manage to read at the basic minimum standard for their age group.

These are children whose entire school life has been under the Labor government, which promised an education revolution and instead provided some overpriced school halls and laptop computers.

The revolution needed is not in bricks and silicon chips. What’s needed is the destruction of the progressive education ideology that has held sway at teacher training institutions for more than 40 years.

The man who you might genetically design for that brutal job is Christopher Pyne, who is likely to become the federal minister for education after the next election, if the polls are any indication. Unlike most of his predecessors, Pyne is unlikely to be bullied or 
hoodwinked by the education establishment into accepting its most destructive intellectual fads.

For Pyne, 45, the reading wars - between phonics advocates and whole language devotees - is deeply personal.

His father, Dr Remington Pyne, was an eye surgeon who took a special interest in dyslexia when Christopher’s oldest brother was diagnosed with reading problems - and helped found SPELD, a non-profit group to help people with learning difficulties.

Pyne also has four children of his own at school in Adelaide, from kindergarten to Year 7. His 12-year-old twins, Eleanor and Barnaby, are dyslexic , and he says his life experience has “given me a particular insight into education”.

He says Gonski has been a “distraction from the real debate which is the quality of education (which is) determined by the quality of teachers, parental engagement, a robust curriculum and decisions being made as locally as possible by principals and leadership teams”.

On teacher quality he says: “We need to recognise that teacher training in the last 10 or 20 years not been what the market tells us we need… There’s been a battle in education departments and universities since the 1970s about the direction of education, and one side has been winning.”

That winner is, “the progressive side that rejects traditional teaching methods and a traditional curriculum. Student-centred learning is part of that and an acceptance of lowest common denominator outcomes, a specific rejection of excellence and a view schools are not about knowledge but about skills, which I think is poisonous. Students have to be about knowledge first and skills second”.

“This is a very hard row to hoe in Australia because most educators today have been trained in this progressive approach to education and nobody wants to disagree.”

As a model for the rest of the country, he points to Western Australia, where the Barnett government has given schools the option to take control of their budgets. Principals now have the power to choose the best teachers and spend their money the way that suits 
students.

“This is anathema to anyone who wants central control of education ... my intention, should I be fortunate enough to become education minister, will be to radically alter the way we think about education in Australia, to place competition, the individual and 
self-reliance at the centre of our education system,” he says.

To do any good, Pyne will have to nuke the progressive education establishment. But if anyone has the courage and cunning to win that war, it’s him.

UPDATE: In comments, below, teacher-librarian Sandra claims that “at no time have I ever come across a teacher who has not included phonics as part of their Reading program in any Primary school in which I have taught.”

This is one of the most insidious developments of the so-called reading wars - the incorporation of incidental phonics as a sop to shut up the critics. It has led well-meaning teachers down the wrong path.

The evidence-based research on reading shows that “including” some token phonics instruction in what is essentially a whole language program is not optimal. What is needed, as found by the National inquiry into the teaching of literacy ,chaired by the eminent late Professor Ken Rowe, is: “[early] systematic, direct and explicit phonics instruction so that children master the essential alphabetic code-breaking skills required for foundational reading proficiency.” Systematic. Direct. Explicit. Not incidental.

(I was a member of the inquiry committee.)

Miranda Devine 
Wed 03 Apr 13 (02:21pm)

More Harmony Day's Down Under...Ahmed Elomar,

Ahmed Elomar - a hit to a brawler's defence

Vanda Carson 
The Daily Telegraph
 April 04, 2013 12:00AM

A FORMER champion boxer accused of attacking a policeman during the Hyde Park Muslim riots has claimed other assault charges against him should be dismissed because he is "easily led" to commit crime because of blows to the head inflicted while boxing.

Ahmed Elomar, 30, the only man still in custody before facing trial over the September clashes, made the claim in Central Local Court yesterday as he was due to be sentenced over a brawl at a Bankstown juice bar on June 28, 2012. Elomar, from Denham Court, was charged with two counts of assault and one of affray, as well as two counts of driving while disqualified and one of possessing a mobile phone in his cell at Long Bay jail.

The court heard Elomar was among a group of 20 men - including an armed man - who assaulted Juicylicious juice bar owner Ali Issawi on June 28. He also threatened to burn down the juice bar, throwing a firecracker into the store the following day.

Elomar's lawyer Winston Terracini SC argued the charges should be dismissed under the Mental Health Act because Elomar was "easily led to take part in" criminal behaviour because of head injuries suffered during his teenage boxing career.

Mr Terracini said Elomar may have suffered "cognitive impairment" from boxing.

He needed to be taken to a "specialist teaching hospital" for MRI scans and "neurological" testing. Aside from any boxing injury, doctors should test to see if he had a "developmental disability", Mr Terracini said.

Mr Elomar may have "mild mental retardation" and post-traumatic stress disorder from "experiences some time ago in Lebanon", Mr Terracini said.

Magistrate Elizabeth Ryan dismissed Mr Terracini's application under the Mental Health Act and gave Elomar a one-year jail term for all the offences. He had been in jail since September last year awaiting trial on the riot charges, and so would be eligible for release from this sentence in September.

These latest charges of affray and assault were brought by the Counter-Terrorism Squad, which said in documents tendered to court that the crime was a religiously motivated attack by a group of Sunni Muslims.

It said Mr Issawi was targeted because he is a Shia Muslim and was believed to be a supporter of Syrian president Bashar Al-Assad.

"(Elomar) took hold of Ali Issawi by the throat and said 'Are you the owner of the shop?' We are going to burn it down," the documents said.

An unknown man who was with Elomar, and who had a gun tucked into his pants, said to Mr Issawi: "We are going to slaughter your necks, all of you, one at a time."

The documents state the group of 20 men who attacked the store emerged from the neighbouring business - the Al Risalah book store.

Bookstore owner Wisam Haddad asked Mr Issawi to prove he was not supporting Mr Al-Assad by donating money to Syria via the bookstore. Mr Issawi did not donate.

Omar Halaby 19 year old Muslim Insurgent / Rioter and Disability Pensioner.

Muslim rioter and vandal Omar Halaby spared jail following September 15 2012 Sydney CBD Muslim Insurgency Riots..Life on the pension is a riot for Omar

What makes the "Mufti of Sydney's Occupied Territories and his fellow insurgents "feel like we is on cloud nine" ?

Sydney's Muslim Insurgency Riots Aftermath: Spin Doctors and apologists still performing CPR on Multiculturalism.

Sydney's Occupied Territories: Four more Women arrested following Genital Mutilation of two girls

Australia Shut the Gate before it IS too late.

Green Loon says Geert Wilders not welcome in Australia

Sydney Muslim Insurgency Riots: Ahmed Elomar refused Bail again

Sydney Riots: The radicalization of Muslim children you have when you are not radicalizing Muslim Children

Sydney CBD Muslim Insurgent Riot Govt. and apologists start the SPIN

Muslim Insurgent refused Bail over Sydney CBD Riot

Australia's Freedom FROM Information Minister calls for Video Ban

The Bolt Report, September 16 2012 Pt's 1,2 and 3

Why would the Australian Government help facilitate this.......

September 15 2012 : Sydney's "Harmony Day" who's responsible ?

The Australian in this Coffin.......

Muslim Insurgents Sydney Riot latest Video and Pictures

Sydney under attack from Muslim Insurgents

Sydney's Occupied Territories erupt with bucket loads of Taqiya and Harmony Day Spin

Sydney's Occupied Territories:Sheik Shabbir Mohammedbhai Vaziri and Helen Magennis, charged with Female Genital Mutilation

Terror Australia: Terror Suspect admitted to Hospital with Stomach ( Period ? ) Pain

From Sydney's Occupied Territories: Sheik and a Nurse charged over Female Genital Mutilation

Terror Australis:Syrian linked Muslims arrested in Australian Terroro raid

More Harmony Day's Down Under

Sydney's Occupied Territories:Swaggering Muslim Rat with a Gold Tooth,Mahmoud Mariam, gets away with Murder sniggers and laughs at sentencing in Sydney Court.

Sydney's Occupied Territories:"...accidents are being staged,baseball bats used to add damage to vehicles,assessors threatened or bashed,"

1982 Sydney PA (Harmony Day celebration ? ) Bombing investigation re opened

Daniel Pipes speaks with Alan Jones

Melbourne Australia:Sudanese and Somali Refugees Crime five times that of Australians and Greens call for increased refugee intake

If only it were ONLY 10,000 predominantly Muslims massing in Malaysia preparing to invade Australia

Now it's Tamil (Tiger ?) Colonization of Australia, why not ? everyone else is brought here by the Government.

From Sydney's Occupied Territories:10,000 Muslim Insurgents mass to worship Paedophile Pirate Slave Trader and Prophet "Tonight is the Laylat al-Qadr,''

The Labor Governments Islamic Colonization of Australia continues unabated

Labor Green Loons latest Illegal entrant filled boat arrives with 211 illegal's aboard

Convicted Islamic Terrorist,Belal Saadallah Khazaal, High Court of Australia denies appeal.

Pious Muslims riot and attack Police at another Harmony Day Cultural Enrichment Ramadan Holy Festival in Sydney;s Occupied Territories

Labor Green Loon Islamic Colonization of Australia

Labor Green Loon's Islamic Colonization of Australia :Truth worse than the Fiction

Australia's Labor Green Loon Co Party Government sets new Olympic Record for Islamic Colonization of Australia 

Pious Muslims Iftikhar Ahmed, 52, and his wife Farzana Murder Daughter because she was too westernised

Malek Fahd Islamic School, Ordered to repay $9 Million to Australian Tax Payers

Bolt Report Piers Akerman Maj Gen Jim Molan Australia up for grabs

Islamic Sociopaths Inc. London on Terror alert ahead of Olympic Games.

Mohammed Fouani: Jilted man's plan to burn his girl alive

Indian "Cultural Enrichment" and "Harmony Day" ambassador Extradited to Australia to face Rape Charges

When too much of the Religion of Peace is barely enough : Shocking acts of Godless Satan inspired savagery..........

My Team

The Bolt Report 31 March 2013

Video now on line : Brian Wilshire and David Kilgour on China's organ harvesting of political prisoners.

                                                            David Kilgour

The Xinjiang Procedure

Beijing’s ‘New Frontier’ is ground zero for the organ harvesting of political prisoners.

The Weekly Standard
DEC 5, 2011, 

To figure out what is taking place today in a closed society such as northwest China, sometimes you have to go back a decade, sometimes more. 

One clue might be found on a hilltop near southern Guangzhou, on a partly cloudy autumn day in 1991. A small medical team and a young doctor starting a practice in internal medicine had driven up from Sun Yat-sen Medical University in a van modified for surgery. Pulling in on bulldozed earth, they found a small fleet of similar vehicles—clean, white, with smoked glass windows and prominent red crosses on the side. The police had ordered the medical team to stay inside for their safety. Indeed, the view from the side window of lines of ditches—some filled in, others freshly dug—suggested that the hilltop had served as a killing ground for years. 

Thirty-six scheduled executions would translate into 72 kidneys and corneas divided among the regional hospitals. Every van contained surgeons who could work fast: 15-30 minutes to extract. Drive back to the hospital. Transplant within six hours. Nothing fancy or experimental; execution would probably ruin the heart. 

With the acceleration of Chinese medical expertise over the last decade, organs once considered scraps no longer went to waste. It wasn’t public knowledge exactly, but Chinese medical schools taught that many otherwise wicked criminals volunteered their organs as a final penance. 

Right after the first shots the van door was thrust open and two men with white surgical coats thrown over their uniforms carried a body in, the head and feet still twitching slightly. The young doctor noted that the wound was on the right side of the chest as he had expected. When body #3 was laid down, he went to work. 
 Male, 40-ish, Han Chinese. While the other retail organs in the van were slated for the profitable foreigner market, the doctor had seen the paperwork indicating this kidney was tissue-matched for transplant into a 50-year-old Chinese man. Without the transplant, that man would die. With it, the same man would rise miraculously from his hospital bed and go on to have a normal life for 25 years or so. By 2016, given all the anti-tissue-rejection drug advances in China, they could theoretically replace the liver, lungs, or heart—maybe buy that man another 10 to 15 years. 

Body #3 had no special characteristics save an angry purple line on the neck. The doctor recognized the forensics. Sometimes the police would twist a wire around a prisoner’s throat to prevent him from speaking up in court. The doctor thought it through methodically. Maybe the police didn’t want this prisoner to talk because he had been a deranged killer, a thug, or mentally unstable. After all, the Chinese penal system was a daily sausage grinder, executing hardcore criminals on a massive scale. Yes, the young doctor knew the harvesting was wrong. Whatever crime had been committed, it would be nice if the prisoner’s body were allowed to rest forever. Yet was his surgical task that different from an obstetrician’s? Harvesting was rebirth, harvesting was life, as revolutionary an advance as antibiotics or steroids. Or maybe, he thought, they didn’t want this man to talk because he was a political prisoner.

Nineteen years later, in a secure European location, the doctor laid out the puzzle. He asked that I keep his identity a secret. Chinese medical authorities admit that the lion’s share of transplant organs originate with executions, but no mainland Chinese doctors, even in exile, will normally speak of performing such surgery. To do so would remind international medical authorities of an issue they would rather avoid—not China’s soaring execution rate or the exploitation of criminal organs, but rather the systematic elimination of China’s religious and political prisoners. Yet even if this doctor feared consequences to his family and his career, he did not fear embarrassing China, for he was born into an indigenous minority group, the Uighurs. 

Every Uighur witness I approached over the course of two years—police, medical, and security personnel scattered across two continents—related compartmentalized fragments of information to me, often through halting translation. They acknowledged the risk to their careers, their families, and, in several cases, their lives. Their testimony reveals not just a procedure evolving to meet the lucrative medical demand for living organs, but the genesis of a wider atrocity.

Behind closed doors, the Uighurs call their vast region in China’s northwest corner (bordering on India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, and Mongolia) East Turkestan. The Uighurs are ethnically Turkic, not East Asian. They are Muslims with a smattering of Christians, and their language is more readily understood in Tashkent than in Beijing. By contrast, Beijing’s name for the so-called Autonomous Region, Xinjiang, literally translates as “new frontier.” When Mao invaded in 1949, Han Chinese constituted only 7 percent of the regional population. Following the flood of Communist party administrators, soldiers, shopkeepers, and construction corps, Han Chinese now constitute the majority. The party calculates that Xinjiang will be its top oil and natural gas production center by the end of this century. 

To protect this investment, Beijing traditionally depicted all Uighur nationalists—violent rebels and non-violent activists alike—as CIA proxies. Shortly after 9/11, that conspiracy theory was tossed down the memory hole. Suddenly China was, and always has been, at war with al Qaeda-led Uighur terrorists. No matter how transparently opportunistic the switch, the American intelligence community saw an opening for Chinese cooperation in the war on terror, and signaled their acquiescence by allowing Chinese state security personnel into Guantánamo to interrogate Uighur detainees. 

While it is difficult to know the strength of the claims of the detainees’ actual connections to al Qaeda, the basic facts are these: During the 1990s, when the Chinese drove the Uighur rebel training camps from neighboring countries such as Kazakhstan and Pakistan, some Uighurs fled to Afghanistan where a portion became Taliban soldiers. And yet, if the Chinese government claims that the Uighurs constitute their own Islamic fundamentalist problem, the fact is that I’ve never met a Uighur woman who won’t shake hands or a man who won’t have a drink with me. Nor does my Jewish-sounding name appear to make anyone flinch. In one of those vino veritas sessions, I asked a local Uighur leader if he was able to get any sort of assistance from groups such as the Islamic Human Rights Commission (where, as I found during a brief visit to their London offices, veiled women flinch from an extended male hand, drinks are forbidden, and my Jewish surname is a very big deal indeed). “Useless!” he snorted, returning to the vodka bottle. 

So if Washington’s goal is to promote a reformed China, then taking Beijing’s word for who is a terrorist is to play into the party’s hands. 

Xinjiang has long served as the party’s illicit laboratory: from the atmospheric nuclear testing in Lop Nur in the mid-sixties (resulting in a significant rise in cancers in Urumqi, Xinjiang’s capital) to the more recent creation in the Tarim Desert of what could well be the world’s largest labor camp, estimated to hold 50,000 Uighurs, hardcore criminals, and practitioners of Falun Gong. And when it comes to the first organ harvesting of political prisoners, Xinjiang was ground zero.

 In 1989, not long after Nijat Abdureyimu turned 20, he graduated from Xinjiang Police School and was assigned to a special police force, Regiment No. 1 of the Urumqi Public Security Bureau. As one of the first Uighurs in a Chinese unit that specialized in “social security”—essentially squelching threats to the party—Nijat was employed as the good cop in Uighur interrogations, particularly the high-profile cases. I first met Nijat—thin, depressed, and watchful—in a crowded refugee camp on the outskirts of Rome.

Nijat explained to me that he was well aware that his Chinese colleagues kept him under constant surveillance. But Nijat presented the image they liked: the little brother with the guileless smile. By 1994 he had penetrated all of the government’s secret bastions: the detention center, its interrogation rooms, and the killing grounds. Along the way, he had witnessed his fair share of torture, executions, even a rape. So his curiosity was in the nature of professional interest when he questioned one of the Chinese cops who came back from an execution shaking his head. According to his colleague, it had been a normal procedure—the unwanted bodies kicked into a trench, the useful corpses hoisted into the harvesting vans, but then he heard something coming from a van, like a man screaming.   

“Like someone was still alive?” Nijat remembers asking. “What kind of screams?”

“Like from hell.”

Nijat shrugged. The regiment had more than enough sloppiness to go around. 

A few months later, three death row prisoners were being transported from detention to execution. Nijat had become friendly with one in particular, a very young man. As Nijat walked alongside, the young man turned to Nijat with eyes like saucers: “Why did you inject me?”

Nijat hadn’t injected him; the medical director had. But the director and some legal officials were watching the exchange, so Nijat lied smoothly: “It’s so you won’t feel much pain when they shoot you.” 

The young man smiled faintly, and Nijat, sensing that he would never quite forget that look, waited until the execution was over to ask the medical director: “Why did you inject him?”

“Nijat, if you can transfer to some other section, then go as soon as possible.”

“What do you mean? Doctor, exactly what kind of medicine did you inject him with?”

“Nijat, do you have any beliefs?”

“Yes. Do you?”

“It was an anticoagulant, Nijat. And maybe we are all going to hell.”

I first met Enver Tohti—a soft-spoken, husky, Buddha of a man—through the informal Uighur network of London. I confess that my first impression was that he was just another emigré living in public housing. But Enver had a secret.

His story began on a Tuesday in June 1995, when he was a general surgeon in an Urumqi hospital. Enver recalled an unusual conversation with his immediate superior, the chief surgeon: “Enver, we are going to do something exciting. Have you ever done an operation in the field?”

“Not really. What do you want me to do?”

“Get a mobile team together and request an ambulance. Have everyone out front at nine tomorrow.”

On a cloudless Wednesday morning, Enver led two assistants and an anaesthesiologist into an ambulance and followed the chief surgeon’s car out of Urumqi going west. The ambulance had a picnic atmosphere until they realized they were entering the Western Mountain police district, which specialized in executing political dissidents. On a dirt road by a steep hill the chief surgeon pulled off, and came back to talk to Enver: “When you hear a gunshot, drive around the hill.”

“Can you tell us why we are here?”

“Enver, if you don’t want to know, don’t ask.”

“I want to know.”

“No. You don’t want to know.” 

The chief surgeon gave him a quick, hard look as he returned to the car. Enver saw that beyond the hill there appeared to be some sort of armed police facility. People were milling about—civilians. Enver half-satirically suggested to the team that perhaps they were family members waiting to collect the body and pay for the bullet, and the team responded with increasingly sick jokes to break the tension. Then they heard a gunshot, possibly a volley, and drove around to the execution field.

Focusing on not making any sudden moves as he followed the chief surgeon’s car, Enver never really did get a good look. He briefly registered that there were 10, maybe 20 bodies lying at the base of the hill, but the armed police saw the ambulance and waved him over.

“This one. It’s this one.”

Sprawled on the blood-soaked ground was a man, around 30, dressed in navy blue overalls. All convicts were shaved, but this one had long hair.

“That’s him. We’ll operate on him.”

“Why are we operating?” Enver protested, feeling for the artery in the man’s neck. “Come on. This man is dead.” 

Enver stiffened and corrected himself. “No. He’s not dead.” 

“Operate then. Remove the liver and the kidneys. Now! Quick! Be quick!”

Following the chief surgeon’s directive, the team loaded the body into the ambulance. Enver felt himself going numb: Just cut the clothes off. Just strap the limbs to the table. Just open the body. He kept making attempts to follow normal procedure—sterilize, minimal exposure, sketch the cut. Enver glanced questioningly at the chief surgeon. “No anaesthesia,” said the chief surgeon. “No life support.”

The anaesthesiologist just stood there, arms folded—like some sort of ignorant peasant, Enver thought. Enver barked at him. “Why don’t you do something?”

“What exactly should I do, Enver? He’s already unconscious. If you cut, he’s not going to respond.”

But there was a response. As Enver’s scalpel went in, the man’s chest heaved spasmodically and then curled back again. Enver, a little frantic now, turned to the chief surgeon. “How far in should I cut?”

“You cut as wide and deep as possible. We are working against time.” 

Enver worked fast, not bothering with clamps, cutting with his right hand, moving muscle and soft tissue aside with his left, slowing down only to make sure he excised the kidneys and liver cleanly. Even as Enver stitched the man back up—not internally, there was no point to that anymore, just so the body might look presentable—he sensed the man was still alive. I am a killer, Enver screamed inwardly. He did not dare to look at the face again, just as he imagined a killer would avoid looking at his victim.

The team drove back to Urumqi in silence. 

On Thursday, the chief surgeon confronted Enver: “So. Yesterday. Did anything happen? Yesterday was a usual, normal day. Yes?”

Enver said yes, and it took years for him to understand that live organs had lower rejection rates in the new host, or that the bullet to the chest had—other than that first sickening lurch—acted like some sort of magical anaesthesia. He had done what he could; he had stitched the body back neatly for the family. And 15 years would elapse before Enver revealed what had happened that Wednesday.

As for Nijat, it wasn’t until 1996 that he put it together. 

It happened just about midnight, well after the cell block lights were turned off. Nijat found himself hanging out in the detention compound’s administrative office with the medical director. Following a pause in the conversation, the director, in an odd voice, asked Nijat if he thought the place was haunted. 

“Maybe it feels a little weird at night,” Nijat answered. “Why do you think that?”

“Because too many people have been killed here. And for all the wrong reasons.” 

Nijat finally understood. The anticoagulant. The expensive “execution meals” for the regiment following a trip to the killing ground. The plainclothes agents in the cells who persuaded the prisoners to sign statements donating their organs to the state. And now the medical director was confirming it all: Those statements were real. They just didn’t take account of the fact that the prisoners would still be alive when they were cut up.

“Nijat, we really are going to hell.”

Nijat nodded, pulled on his beer, and didn’t bother to smile.

On February 2, 1997, Bahtiyar Shemshidin began wondering whether he was a policeman in name only. Two years before, the Chinese Public Security Bureau of the Western city of Ghulja recruited Bahtiyar for the drug enforcement division. It was a natural fit because Bahtiyar was tall, good-looking, and exuded effortless Uighur authority. Bahtiyar would ultimately make his way to Canada and freedom, but he had no trouble recalling his initial idealism; back then, Bahtiyar did not see himself as a Chinese collaborator but as an emergency responder. 

For several years, heroin addiction had been creeping through the neighborhoods of Ghulja, striking down young Uighurs like a medieval plague. Yet inside the force, Bahtiyar quickly grasped that the Chinese heroin cartel was quietly protected, if not encouraged, by the authorities. Even his recruitment was a bait-and-switch. Instead of sending him after drug dealers, his Chinese superiors ordered him to investigate the Meshrep—a traditional Muslim get-together promoting clean living, sports, and Uighur music and dance. If the Meshrep had flowered like a traditional herbal remedy against the opiate invader, the Chinese authorities read it as a disguised attack on the Chinese state. 

In early January 1997, on the eve of Ramadan, the entire Ghulja police force—Uighurs and Chinese alike—were suddenly ordered to surrender their guns “for inspection.” Now, almost a month later, the weapons were being released. But Bahtiyar’s gun was held back. Bahtiyar went to the Chinese bureaucrat who controlled supplies and asked after it. “Your gun has a problem,” Bahtiyar was told.

“When will you fix the problem?”

The bureaucrat shrugged, glanced at his list, and looked up at Bahtiyar with an unblinking stare that said: It is time for you to go. By the end of the day, Bahtiyar got it: Every Chinese officer had a gun. Every Uighur officer’s gun had a problem. 

Three days later, Bahtiyar understood why. On February 5, approximately 1,000 Uighurs gathered in the center of Ghulja. The day before, the Chinese authorities arrested (and, it was claimed, severely abused) six women, all Muslim teachers, all participants in the Meshrep. The young men came without their winter coats to show they were unarmed, but, planned or unplanned, the Chinese police fired on the demonstrators. 

Casualty counts of what is known as the Ghulja incident remain shaky. Bahtiyar recalls internal police estimates of 400 dead, but he didn’t see it; all Uighur policemen had been sent to the local jail “to interrogate prisoners” and were locked in the compound throughout the crisis. However, Bahtiyar did see Uighurs herded into the compound and thrown naked onto the snow—some bleeding, others with internal injuries. Ghulja’s main Uighur clinic was effectively shut down when a squad of Chinese special police arrested 10 of the doctors and destroyed the clinic’s ambulance. As the arrests mounted by late April, the jail became hopelessly overcrowded, and Uighur political prisoners were selected for daily executions. On April 24, Bahtiyar’s colleagues witnessed the killing of eight political prisoners; what struck them was the presence of doctors in “special vans for harvesting organs.”

In Europe I spoke with a nurse who worked in a major Ghulja hospital following the incident. Nervously requesting that I provide no personal details, she told me that the hospitals were forbidden to treat Uighur protesters. A doctor who bandaged an arm received a 15-year sentence, while another got 20 years, and hospital staff were told, “If you treat someone, you will get the same result.” The separation between the Uighur and Chinese medical personnel deepened: Chinese doctors would stockpile prescriptions rather than allow Uighur medical staff a key to the pharmacy, while Uighur patients were receiving 50 percent of their usual doses. If a Uighur couple had a second child, even if the birth was legally sanctioned, Chinese maternity doctors, she observed, administered an injection (described as an antibiotic) to the infant. The nurse could not recall a single instance of the same injection given to a Chinese baby. Within three days the infant would turn blue and die. Chinese staffers offered a rote explanation to Uighur mothers: Your baby was too weak, your baby could not handle the drug. 

Shortly after the Ghulja incident, a young Uighur protester’s body returned home from a military hospital. Perhaps the fact that the abdomen was stitched up was just evidence of an autopsy, but it sparked another round of riots. After that, the corpses were wrapped, buried at gunpoint, and Chinese soldiers patrolled the cemeteries (one is not far from the current Urumqi airport). By June, the nurse was pulled into a new case: A young Uighur protester had been arrested and beaten severely. His family paid for his release, only to discover that their son had kidney damage. The family was told to visit a Chinese military hospital in Urumqi where the hospital staff laid it out: One kidney, 30,000 RMB (roughly $4,700). The kidney will be healthy, they were assured, because the transplant was to come from a 21-year-old Uighur male—the same profile as their son. The nurse learned that the “donor” was, in fact, a protester. 

In the early autumn of 1997, fresh out of a blood-work tour in rural Xinjiang, a young Uighur doctor—let’s call him Murat—was pursuing a promising medical career in a large Urumqi hospital. Two years later he was planning his escape to Europe, where I met him some years after. 

One day Murat’s instructor quietly informed him that five Chinese government officials—big guys, party members—had checked into the hospital with organ problems. Now he had a job for Murat: “Go to the Urumqi prison. The political wing, not the criminal side. Take blood samples. Small ones. Just to map out the different blood types. That’s all you have to do.”   

“What about tissue matching?”

“Don’t worry about any of that, Murat. We’ll handle that later. Just map out the blood types.”

Clutching the authorization, and accompanied by an assistant from the hospital, Murat, slight and bookish, found himself facing approximately 15 prisoners, mostly tough-guy Uighurs in their late twenties. As the first prisoner sat down and saw the needle, the pleading began. 

“You are a Uighur like me. Why are you going to hurt me?” 

“I’m not going to hurt you. I’m just taking blood.”

At the word “blood,” everything collapsed. The men howled and stampeded, the guards screaming and shoving them back into line. The prisoner shrieked that he was innocent. The Chinese guards grabbed his neck and squeezed it hard. 

“It’s just for your health,” Murat said evenly, suddenly aware the hospital functionary was probably watching to make sure that Murat wasn’t too sympathetic. “It’s just for your health,” Murat said again and again as he drew blood. 

When Murat returned to the hospital, he asked the instructor, “Were all those prisoners sentenced to death?”

“That’s right, Murat, that’s right. Yes. Just don’t ask any more questions. They are bad people—enemies of the country.”

But Murat kept asking questions, and over time, he learned the drill. Once they found a matching blood type, they would move to tissue matching. Then the political prisoner would get a bullet to the right side of the chest. Murat’s instructor would visit the execution site to match up blood samples. The officials would get their organs, rise from their beds, and check out. 

Six months later, around the first anniversary of Ghulja, five new officials checked in. The instructor told Murat to go back to the political wing for fresh blood. This time, Murat was told that harvesting political prisoners was normal. A growing export. High volume. The military hospitals are leading the way. 

By early 1999, Murat stopped hearing about harvesting political prisoners. Perhaps it was over, he thought.

Yet the Xinjiang procedure spread. By the end of 1999, the Uighur crackdown would be eclipsed by Chinese security’s largest-scale action since Mao: the elimination of Falun Gong. By my estimate up to three million Falun Gong practitioners would pass through the Chinese corrections system. Approximately 65,000 would be harvested, hearts still beating, before the 2008 Olympics. An unspecified, significantly smaller, number of House Christians and Tibetans likely met the same fate. 

By Holocaust standards these are piddling numbers, so let’s be clear: China is not the land of the final solution. But it is the land of the expedient solution. Some will point to recent statements from the Chinese medical establishment admitting the obvious—China’s medical environment is not fully ethical—and see progress. Foreign investors suspect that eventually the Chinese might someday—or perhaps have already—abandon organ harvesting in favor of the much more lucrative pharmaceutical and clinical testing industries. The problem with these soothing narratives is that reports, some as recent as one year ago, suggest that the Chinese have not abandoned the Xinjiang procedure. 

In July 2009, Urumqi exploded in bloody street riots between Uighurs and Han Chinese. The authorities massed troops in the regional capital, kicked out the Western journalists, shut down the Internet, and, over the next six months, quietly, mostly at night, rounded up Uighur males by the thousands. According to information leaked by Uighurs held in captivity, some prisoners were given physical examinations aimed solely at assessing the health of their retail organs. The signals may be faint, but they are consistent, and the conclusion is inescapable: China, a state rapidly approaching superpower status, has not just committed human rights abuses—that’s old news—but has, for over a decade, perverted the most trusted area of human expertise into performing what is, in the legal parlance of human rights, targeted elimination of a specific group. 

Yet Nijat sits in refugee limbo in Neuchâtel, Switzerland, waiting for a country to offer him asylum. He confessed to me. He confessed to others. But in a world eager not to offend China, no state wants his confession. Enver made his way to an obscure seminar hosted by the House of Commons on Chinese human rights. When the MPs opened the floor to questions, Enver found himself standing up and speaking, for the first time, of killing a man. I took notes, but no British MP or their staffers could be bothered to take Enver’s number. 

The implications are clear enough. Nothing but self-determination for the Uighurs can suffice. The Uighurs, numbering 13 million, are few, but they are also desperate. They may fight. War may come. On that day, as diplomats across the globe call for dialogue with Beijing, may every nation look to its origins and its conscience. For my part, if my Jewish-sounding name tells me anything, it is this: The dead may never be fully avenged, but no people can accept being fatally exploited forever.

Ethan Gutmann, an adjunct fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, wishes to thank Jaya Gibson for research assistance and the Peder Wallenberg family for research support. 

Lord Christopher Moncton Agenda 21 Anthropogenic Global Warming SCAM

Brian Wilshire speaks with Lord Christopher Monckton about climate change,world 

government and Agenda 21.

Australia's Finest: Commando Sergeant Paul Cale

Diggers defend killer Commando Sergeant Paul Cale

By Kristin Shorten
March 08, 2013 11:32AM

Commando who strangled Taliban commander defends his actions
"I fought alongside Muslims and we were great friends"
Paul Cale poached to train US Special Forces

Sergeant Paul Cale, an elite soldier from Sydney's 2 Commando Regiment, was forced to kill an enemy fighter with his bare hands when his platoon was ambushed while on a mission in the restive Chora region.
  
The Commando, known as "JJ" to his army mates, yesterday spoke out for the first time about the fated night-mission which motivated him to develop a world-leading close-quarter fighting course.

Interview with Sgt. Paul Cale

As readers expressed mixed responses to the story online, Sgt Cale and his fellow Commandos strongly defended his actions.
"I have to live with my actions every moment of every day," Sgt Cale told news.com.au today.
"It's my life. It's something that happened to me.
"These are the facts of war.
"When countries go to war this is what happens – there's nothing pretty about it."  

After the incident, during his 2007 deployment, the 44-year-old martial artist dedicated himself to developing the Australian Commando Integrated Combat package, which is now being used to train US Special Forces.

News.com.au yesterday revealed that Sgt Cale, one of Australia's toughest men, had been poached by the US military after showing his program to US army chiefs at an international skills symposium.
One Special Forces operative, who fought alongside Sgt Cale throughout his 2007 deployment, today spoke out about losing a mate who was fatally shot in a similar ambush.

"JJ had already begun instructing CQC (close quarter combat) before his '07 deployment. I was on one of his first courses," he said.
"A real warrior who lives and breathes his art and one of the nicest blokes I've met.
"For all you bleeding hearts out there that think these Taliban are pleasant, gentle souls, in a very similar scenario on that same deployment JJ and Australia lost a warrior when he was shot and killed making entry into a compound."

Another Commando, who served alongside Sgt Cale in 2010, said he had been "instrumental" to his platoon's survival during the protracted battle of Zabat Kalay.
That mission saw two Commandos wounded and nine valuable Taliban targets killed. Five Commandos also received Gallantry awards for their actions.

Former Yankee Platoon Commander with Delta Company, Major Bram Connolly – who was awarded a Distinguished Service Medal before leaving the defence force – said Sgt Cale had taught his men "critical skills".
"He was instrumental in the platoon being able to use both lethal and less than lethal force while engaged in room combat," he said.

"The techniques taught by Paul to disarm enemy combatants and retain our own weapons was a critical skill that enhanced our strategy of working within the local population in support of the Afghan partner force.

"Paul was a great Platoon Sergeant and his guidance to the young soldiers kept them grounded during our deployment.
"He ran CQF training every second night for both our platoon and the American SF."
Sgt Cale said that while the response to his story was overwhelmingly positive, he said too many Australians misunderstood our country's role in the conflict.

"I fought alongside Muslims and we were great friends," he said.
"We were there supporting them in establishing the rule of law.
"The only thing we're fighting is extremism and people who believe they have the right to harm others for the sake of their beliefs.
"We're there protecting them and helping the Afghans who have stayed in their country and are fighting for the peace and security of their country."

Since its 2010 implementation, the course created by Sgt Cale at Sydney's Holsworthy Barracks has changed the way our top troops train for modern warfare.
"Out of that (2007) event I realised that what we're teaching is north compared to south ... so I reconstructed the entire CQF (close-quarter fighting) program," he said.

"They were basically looking at what we do and when one of their Navy Seals saw our program … he said it was 18 months ahead of anything they'd ever seen in the world.
"The US Special Forces guys sent their instructors over here to work with me through our entire package and went back to the States and introduced it into their package."

The father of two, who used his civilian martial arts training to develop the program, will soon split his time between the US and Australia as he delivers it to the Green Berets with business partner, former Western Australian police detective, Bleddyn 'Taff' Davies.
Email kristin.shorten@news.com.au or follow @itsKShort on Twitter